Spreading the light of humanity & freedom
CRIMINAL WRIT PETITION NO. OF 2016
IN THE MATTER OF
NAGARAJA . M.R
editor , SOS e Clarion of Dalit & SOS e Voice for Justice
# LIG 2 , No 761 ,, HUDCO First Stage , Laxmikantanagar ,
Hebbal , Mysore – 570017 , Karnataka State
Honourable Chief Secretary , Government of Karnataka & Others
PETITION UNDER ARTICLE 12 to ARTICLE 35 & ARTICLE 51A OF THE CONSTITUTION OF INDIA FOR ISSUANCE OF A WRIT IN THE NATURE OF MANDAMUS UNDER ARTICLE 32 & ARTICLE 226 OF THE CONSTITUTION OF INDIA.
Hon'ble The Chief Justice of India and His Lordship's Companion Justices of the Supreme Court of India.
MOST RESPECTFULLY SHOWETH :
1. Facts of the case:
2. Question(s) of Law:
Requests for equitable justice.
That the present petitioner has not filed any other petition (which are admitted by courts) in any High Court or the Supreme Court of India on the subject matter of the present petition.
In the above premises, it is prayed that this Hon'ble Court may be pleased:
a . Hereby , I do request the honorable supreme court of India to consider this as a PIL for : “writ of Mandamus” and to issue instructions to the chief secretaries of all stae governments , the concerned public servants in the present case , to perform their duties.
c. to order all type of trusts to conduct their financial transactions through banks only.
FOR WHICH ACT OF KINDNESS, THE PETITIONER SHALL BE DUTY BOUND, EVER PRAY.
Dated : 13th July 2016 …………………….FILED BY: NAGARAJA.M.R.
Place : Mysuru , India……………………. PETITIONER-IN-PERSON
Some companies are using onhire charitable trusts to fabricate CSR spending, at least two sources who have helped craft and execute such transactions said. They spoke to ET on the condition of anonymity.
"Such abuse in unlikely in trusts floated by companies themselves. But it is possible where they use external trusts," says Rusen Kumar, founder director of IndiaCSR, a portal that collates information and developments on CSR from across the country.
According to one person, the modus operandi is simple. If a company is obligated to spend, say, Rs 10 crore on CSR, it writes out a cheque in favour of a trust that works in education, healthcare, environment protection or any of the activities specified by the government. The trust, after deducting its commission, discreetly returns the money in cash to the officials or promoters, instantly turning Rs 10 crore of white money into black. The middleman gets a cut as well.
"Often the promoter pockets the money," says a chartered accountant who has also helped clients with such deals. Often set up by politicians or rich individuals, these trusts also serve as laundering mechanism for unaccounted money. For example, a politician would set up a trust to build an educational institution. CSR funds would flow into the trust through legitimate banking channels. These funds are returned to the promoters in cash and the actual expenditure on the institution is met with the politician's illicit hoard. The expenditure is then inflated helping launder the black money.
ET met a middleman who had just concluded two deals—one for a well-known listed company and another for a smaller firm. He said he had already done cash-back deals worth about Rs 40 crore this year.
Public trusts are a favoured route to launder money because they are not adequately governed or monitored. Though some states such as Maharashtra have their own law such as the Bombay Public Trusts Act, 1950, trusts are not governed by a nationwide law. If a state law doesn't exist such as in Delhi, these trusts are governed by the Indian Trusts Act of 1882 that applies to private trusts. There is no centralized repository— like the registrar of companies for corporates—of information on public trusts.
Finance minister Arun Jaitley recently wrote in a Facebook post that bulk of the black money is within the country. He is probably right, but it would take tremendous political will and legislative imagination to choke the black money pipelines.
The report shows that the Congress has earned the most, Rs. 2,008 crore, between 2004 and 2011 and its annual income has gone up steadily. At number two is the BJP, which in the same period made Rs. 994 crore. Its finances too improved steadily in the same period.
The report analyses income tax returns of political parties and donation documents made available to the Election Commission. The NGOs, Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) and National Election Watch (NEW), campaign for transparency in the finances and funding of political parties.
The NGOs say that there is no standardised format for political parties to declare their incomes. A major source of income for all parties is the sale of "coupons" instead of receipts. Voluntary contributions and donations are also on top of the list of sources of income. None of these, the NGOs' report says, are transparent ways to making and declaring money.
To bring some transparency into political funding, the Representation of People Act of 1951 says that political parties must declare details of contributions of more than Rs. 20,000. This report though points out major loopholes, like parties declaring every single contribution ofRs. 20,000 made by any person at one time. But if several donations totalling to more than Rs.20,000 are made by one person or company in one year, then parties interpret it differently. That leaves them the option of breaking up donations into amounts less than Rs. 20,000.
The BSP (which is third on the list in terms of income) for instance, has shown an income ofRs. 172 crore in between 2009 and 2011 but not declared a single contribution of more than Rs.20,000. The CPM, which made almost Rs. 150 crore in that period, has shown only 1.39 per cent of contributions of more than Rs. 20,000. For the same period, Congress has shown 11.89 per cent and BJP 22.76 per cent.
The parties with highest "donations" are the Telengana Rashtra Samiti at 99.98 per cent and Lok Janshakti Party at 89.88 per cent.
The other major source of income for the major parties is also donations from corporate houses. The report has a list of which corporate house made how much donation and to which party. Most of them contribute to both the major national parties, the Congress and the BJP. For instance, the General Electoral Trust made a donation of Rs. 36.41 crore to Congress and Rs. Rs. 26.07 crore to BJP between 2004 and 2011. Torrent Power similarly gaveRs. 14.15 crore to Congress and Rs. 13 crore to BJP. And a lot of the companies are new ones involved in infrastructure like power, steel and construction, beating the traditional firms of Tatas and Birlas.
Kuvalekar, in his judgement said that indirectly, since the parent institute is getting the funds for institutes run by them, the RTI is applicable.
The judgement came in the wake of former member of Shikshan Prasarak Mandali (SPM), B B Jambhulkar who raised an RTI query with the SPM to get details on admission having cited corruption.
Jambhulkar said, "The SPM, however, denied to reveal the information as the SPM Trust was not funded by the government. Besides, I asked the Trust to give me details of the appointment of over 400 members of the Trust."
The information commissioner, however, said that, "It is clear that the Trust is receiving funds to run other institutes as seen in the books of accounts. In such a case, it is liable to reveal any information as sought by the RTI applicant."
Incidentally, the Income Tax department recently cancelled the registration of SPM as a charitable trust'. Jambhular had asked the query regarding a list of names of the students who have sought admission at Ramnarian Ruia college and R A Poddar college of Commerce and Economics, Mumbai.